(Week 23 - Wednesday, Jan. 14 / 2009)
In the last column I introduced into the discussion the concepts of micro-taxation and macro-taxation, respectively. "Micro-taxation" is the process by which a governmental body that does not issue the currency in which payment for the taxes are accepted obtains revenue to meet its expenses, while "macro-taxation" is the process by which a governmental body that does issue the currency in which payment for the taxes are accepted removes from circulation the excess of currency that builds up in the monetary pool as it spends into circulation the money it creates.
Within the current American system, all taxes collected currently are micro in nature simply because the governmental body (Federal) that would issue the national currency has abdicated that responsibility to a private corporation. For purposes of discussion, I will assume the return of the franchise to create, issue and control the money supply to the national government, unless otherwise indicated.
This represents a radical departure from the way we commonly think about "taxes," especially at the Federal level. It is unfortunate that we use the same term (taxes) to cover both instances. I would suggest that it might be better to call the revenue collected by any level of government that does not issue the money collected as "taxes", and the money being retired from circulation by the Federal government as something else; say, "retirements" or "overflows." To be sure, such a change would take a bit of getting used to, but in my view it is imperative that we reclaim the consistency of our language if we are going establish clear thinking on monetary matters. Establishing unambiguous and descriptive terminology is one way to do it. I would invite anyone out there to see if they can come up with a better term.
In response to the last column, which introduced the concepts of micro-vs.-macro-taxation into the discussion, a reader asks, "what is it that keeps lower government micro-economic units (state county, municipal) from being just extensions of the Federal macro system? That is, why aren't the micro-level government expenses covered by the issuance of monies from the Federal Treasury? Should this be done? Why not make all government (regardless of level) expenses the macro-economic responsibility? What would be the consequences? Why would we, or wouldn't we want to do this?"
These are excellent questions. The key to understanding the answers is to keep in mind the nature of the micro-vs.-macro-economic functions themselves. The task of the macro-economy is to set up, by law, a matrix of rules, definitions and relationships whose purpose is to create conditions that allow the participants in the micro-economy to exercise "life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness" within the fullest possible expression of personal freedom, social equity, and the commonweal.
That said, let us return to the question, "What is it that keeps lower government micro-economic units (state, county, municipal) from being just extensions of the Federal macro system?" I would say that micro-units of government have largely become extensions of the Federal government now, simply because the Federal part of the system is no longer a macro-economic entity, but has become another "business" among businesses.
If there is a distinction to be made, it is that this "Federal business" retains the greatest ability to borrow money, and has therefore come to resemble a huge predatory corporation that swallows up the smaller corporations in an ongoing process of economically forced takeovers (notwithstanding that our government leaders, I have to believe, do not intend such an end). This tendency has accelerated with the current "bailout" process, whereby the Federal government borrows hundreds of billions of dollars to "rescue" (i.e., take control over) smaller corporations. The take-over aspects of the process tend to be obscured by euphemistic language about requiring more "control" and "accountability" in return for the money.
If the monetary franchise were returned to the Federal government, that in itself would distinguish it as a true macro-economic functionary, that by its very nature and operations would preclude its micro-economic participants from being perceived as being "just extensions" of the same thing.
As to the question, "Why aren't the micro-level government expenses covered by the issuance of monies from the Federal Treasury?", if micro-level government expenses were covered by the issuance of monies out of the Federal Treasury, it would cease effectively to be micro-level government. Without the power over their own purse strings, state and local governments would lose their independence and be relegated, in effect, to being budgetary departments of the macro-government. Political appearances notwithstanding, the operating distinction between levels has indeed become blurred due to the Federal government being obliged to provide the money to keep lesser government in operation out of the Federal's greater power to borrow money, which is then disbursed with "mandates" attached.
"Should this be done?" That is a political decision. I suggest that preserving the distinctions between micro and macro levels of government is an indispensable expression of the types of sovereignty (state, municipal, township, library district, etc.) that will organically arise in any society. It is, to put it another way, the critical means for the unfoldment of a free and diverse social order.
"Why not make all government (regardless of level) expenses the macro-economic responsibility?" We could have a national government, and nothing else. That would be the effect of having the Federal government pay for everything, but is that what we as a society want?
"What would be the consequences?" It would mean the hegemony over the entire social order through a single nexus of power.
"Why would we, or wouldn't we want to do this?" Ultimately, it is up to We the People as to whether we would want this or not. The key to answering the question is to become mindful of who we want, or allow, to exercise the money creation, issuance and control power.
We, as a society, have been making the choice for increasing social hegemony exercised out of an ever-constricting circle of control simply because we are letting the monetary question be answered by default out of our own (dare I say negligent) unconsciousness about money.
Richard Kotlarz
1904 1st Ave. S, #12
Minneapolis, MN 55403
218-828-1366
richkotlarz@gmail.com
The complete set of columns from this series is posted at the following websites.
http://economictree.blogspot.com/
http://www.concordresolution.org/column.htm
Thursday, January 15, 2009
Tuesday, January 13, 2009
Column #106 MICRO-TAXATION & MACRO-TAXATION
(Week 23 - Monday, Jan. 12 / 2009)
There are, in my view, two types of taxation:
One is "micro-taxation," which is taxation by a governmental body that is not issuing the currency in which payments for the taxes are made. Ideally, this would include taxation by states, cities, counties, townships, transportation districts; essentially any level of government below the Federal.
The other is "macro-taxation," which is taxation by a governmental body that is issuing the currency in which payments for the taxes are made. In the American system as currently configured, all taxes being paid are actually micro in nature because the body that creates our money is no longer the US Treasury under the auspices of the Federal government, but rather the private banking system under the auspices of the Federal Reserve. If the franchise for the creation and issuance of our nation's money were restored to the public sector, then the Federal government would by definition be practicing macro-taxation.
Despite their being virtually identical in outward appearance, micro and macro-taxation are very different processes with very different purposes:
The purpose of micro-taxation is to raise revenue for a governmental body that needs a source of money to meet its expenses. In this respect, such bodies are much like other entities that operate in the micro-economic realm (i.e. individuals, businesses and corporations).
The purpose of macro-taxation is to return money that is in excess of the requirements of commerce to the governmental body that created and issued it into circulation via direct spending. Such a body does not need a source of revenue to meet its expenses because it has the power to create money. Currently within the American economic system the only body with the power to create money is the Federal Reserve, but this is a private corporation, not an agency of the government (in spite of what its name might lead one to think). This is why, specifically, the Federal government operates at a "deficit," and can even be said to "run up a debt." Monetarily speaking, it is operating, effectively, as a "business" in the micro-economic realm (see Col. #38 – "The United States as a Business").
I cannot recall ever hearing the terms "micro-taxation" and "macro-taxation" used and/or contrasted explicitly, especially not in a way that that makes clear the respective distinctions between them. I can hardly imagine that they do not exist in the dictionary of economic expressions in some form. After all the major division in the study of economics in academia from the outset is between micro and macro-economics, but even in the many macro-economic analyses and pronouncements I have encountered, taxation has been referred to only in a micro-economic sense (i.e. as a way to raise revenue to pay government expenses).
How, then, can we describe how macro-taxation works? If we had a monetary system whereby currency was issued directly out of the US Treasury, much, most or all of it (depending on legislated public policy) would enter circulation via "government spending" ("public monetization" would be a more accurate expression). This would create a continuous flow of funds into the money supply, or as it is sometimes called, the "monetary pool." If such a buildup were allowed to continue unchecked the amount of money in the monetary pool would, after a time, exceed what was required to facilitate commerce at current price levels, and this would, in turn, cause an unchecked escalation of prices; what is commonly called "inflation." The way to regulate this process is through macro-taxation.
Assuming that the public creation and issuance of money were re-implemented, macro-taxation would serve two main functions:
One is to act as an overflow device for the monetary pool. When money is injected into circulation via Federal spending, the amount of currency in the monetary pool would be allowed to build up to an optimum level. Any excess that enters after that is essentially monetary overflow, and would be drained out of the pool via macro-taxation. The amount of money in circulation, then, can be controlled easily and transparently by adjusting the rate of macro-taxation (essentially the height of the overflow spillway).
The other main function is to provide a way to "renew" the money in circulation. As overflow currency is removed from circulation, it can then be extinguished and reissued afresh as the Federal government needs money. The very idea of extinguishing currency can be experienced as somewhat disheartening, especially given that one has sent in one's "hard-earned money" to pay the tax, but there is actually nothing lost in the process, since it amounts essentially to the entry and deletion of numbers in an electronic ledger.
At length, a balance will emerge within the macro-economy (i.e. the national economy as a whole) between the amount of actual economic activity performed or paid for by the Federal government (the macro-economic entity), as opposed to that performed or paid for by the aggregate of individuals, businesses, corporations and governmental-bodies-below-Federal (the aggregate of micro-economic participants). The percentage of the total attributable to the Federal government essentially determines the macro-taxing rate (percentage of economic activity to be paid as taxes).
This discussion of micro and macro-taxation will be continued in the next column.
Richard Kotlarz
1904 1st Ave. S, #12
Minneapolis, MN 55403
218-828-1366
richkotlarz@gmail.com
The complete set of columns from this series is posted at the following websites.
http://economictree.blogspot.com/
http://www.concordresolution.org/column.htm
There are, in my view, two types of taxation:
One is "micro-taxation," which is taxation by a governmental body that is not issuing the currency in which payments for the taxes are made. Ideally, this would include taxation by states, cities, counties, townships, transportation districts; essentially any level of government below the Federal.
The other is "macro-taxation," which is taxation by a governmental body that is issuing the currency in which payments for the taxes are made. In the American system as currently configured, all taxes being paid are actually micro in nature because the body that creates our money is no longer the US Treasury under the auspices of the Federal government, but rather the private banking system under the auspices of the Federal Reserve. If the franchise for the creation and issuance of our nation's money were restored to the public sector, then the Federal government would by definition be practicing macro-taxation.
Despite their being virtually identical in outward appearance, micro and macro-taxation are very different processes with very different purposes:
The purpose of micro-taxation is to raise revenue for a governmental body that needs a source of money to meet its expenses. In this respect, such bodies are much like other entities that operate in the micro-economic realm (i.e. individuals, businesses and corporations).
The purpose of macro-taxation is to return money that is in excess of the requirements of commerce to the governmental body that created and issued it into circulation via direct spending. Such a body does not need a source of revenue to meet its expenses because it has the power to create money. Currently within the American economic system the only body with the power to create money is the Federal Reserve, but this is a private corporation, not an agency of the government (in spite of what its name might lead one to think). This is why, specifically, the Federal government operates at a "deficit," and can even be said to "run up a debt." Monetarily speaking, it is operating, effectively, as a "business" in the micro-economic realm (see Col. #38 – "The United States as a Business").
I cannot recall ever hearing the terms "micro-taxation" and "macro-taxation" used and/or contrasted explicitly, especially not in a way that that makes clear the respective distinctions between them. I can hardly imagine that they do not exist in the dictionary of economic expressions in some form. After all the major division in the study of economics in academia from the outset is between micro and macro-economics, but even in the many macro-economic analyses and pronouncements I have encountered, taxation has been referred to only in a micro-economic sense (i.e. as a way to raise revenue to pay government expenses).
How, then, can we describe how macro-taxation works? If we had a monetary system whereby currency was issued directly out of the US Treasury, much, most or all of it (depending on legislated public policy) would enter circulation via "government spending" ("public monetization" would be a more accurate expression). This would create a continuous flow of funds into the money supply, or as it is sometimes called, the "monetary pool." If such a buildup were allowed to continue unchecked the amount of money in the monetary pool would, after a time, exceed what was required to facilitate commerce at current price levels, and this would, in turn, cause an unchecked escalation of prices; what is commonly called "inflation." The way to regulate this process is through macro-taxation.
Assuming that the public creation and issuance of money were re-implemented, macro-taxation would serve two main functions:
One is to act as an overflow device for the monetary pool. When money is injected into circulation via Federal spending, the amount of currency in the monetary pool would be allowed to build up to an optimum level. Any excess that enters after that is essentially monetary overflow, and would be drained out of the pool via macro-taxation. The amount of money in circulation, then, can be controlled easily and transparently by adjusting the rate of macro-taxation (essentially the height of the overflow spillway).
The other main function is to provide a way to "renew" the money in circulation. As overflow currency is removed from circulation, it can then be extinguished and reissued afresh as the Federal government needs money. The very idea of extinguishing currency can be experienced as somewhat disheartening, especially given that one has sent in one's "hard-earned money" to pay the tax, but there is actually nothing lost in the process, since it amounts essentially to the entry and deletion of numbers in an electronic ledger.
At length, a balance will emerge within the macro-economy (i.e. the national economy as a whole) between the amount of actual economic activity performed or paid for by the Federal government (the macro-economic entity), as opposed to that performed or paid for by the aggregate of individuals, businesses, corporations and governmental-bodies-below-Federal (the aggregate of micro-economic participants). The percentage of the total attributable to the Federal government essentially determines the macro-taxing rate (percentage of economic activity to be paid as taxes).
This discussion of micro and macro-taxation will be continued in the next column.
Richard Kotlarz
1904 1st Ave. S, #12
Minneapolis, MN 55403
218-828-1366
richkotlarz@gmail.com
The complete set of columns from this series is posted at the following websites.
http://economictree.blogspot.com/
http://www.concordresolution.org/column.htm
Saturday, January 10, 2009
Column #105 THE ROOT CAUSE OF "INFLATION"
(Week 22 - Friday, Jan. 9 / 2009)
The root cause of inflation within the present system is the "interest" charge attached to the private bank loans by which our money supply is created and loaned into circulation. It is really, I suggest, about as simple as that. To be sure, there are secondary factors that exacerbate inflationary tendencies, but these are mainly psychological, and derive from the inexorable effects of charging "interest" on money at the point of issuance. This may seem strange to the modern ear, given the profusion of arcane economic analysis in the media and academia that portrays "inflation" as if it were some insoluble economic phenomenon that we can only hope to keep under control through sound "business" management.
The truth is, in my view, that "inflation" is not some phantasmal monetary lion roaming about seeking what economic chaos it can cause and whosever's wealth it may devour, but rather the straightforward result of something that We the People permit to be done with our money; that is, we permit it to be created and loaned into circulation from a private corporate entity (the Federal Reserve and private banking system) at "interest." When we stop that practice, the fuel will be withdrawn from the "inflationary" fire.
It is true that "inflation" would still be possible under the auspices of a public monetary system if too much money were issued, but that would be an unlikely outcome within a system that was transparently amenable to control. As it is now, "inflation" has plagued this society, and indeed most of the world, as a mysterious specter for the almost-century since "debt-money" was firmly established as the basis of the monetary system, and hardly anyone with significant influence or control within the system seems to know what to do about it.
To understand the root cause of "inflation" we need only look at how a typical bank loan plays out over time. Suppose that an entrepreneur were to borrow money from a bank to build a small factory. The banker would create the money when he writes the check, and the entrepreneur would spend it into circulation when he paid whatever contractors were hired to build his factory.
Let us suppose further that the term of that loan was ten years. That means that over ten years time, the manufacturing firm that was set up in that factory would have to charge enough for its products to earn back the money to satisfy the contract which spelled out the terms by which the loan would be repaid.
If, hypothetically, there were no "interest" charges on the loan, then the amount to be repaid would be only the original principle balance. Under current practices, however, there would be an "interest" charge which would, typically, more-or-less double the amount of money required to be "paid back" over ten years. It is obvious that this doubled "cost" would have to be covered in higher prices charged by the factory for whatever goods it produced. What is more, this increased "cost" is in no way associated with an enhanced material input into the product. Clearly, then, the price of the product will be "inflated" by the "interest" charge.
But the matter does not end there. The money paid to cover the "interest" goes to financial speculators who have purchased "debt"-based financial instruments (loan contracts, bundled mortgages, bonds, etc.) for the very purpose of receiving those remittances. Assuming that they are not going to spend that money themselves, or gift it back to society through philanthropic efforts, they will effectively withhold those funds from circulation until someone borrows them back into circulation. When that happens we say in the current financial culture that these funds were "reinvested," but the overall burden of "debt" borne by the money supply will have been increased without, even, the injection of newly-created money to help bear it. New money will eventually have to borrowed into existence from private banks to help roll over the growing "interest" charge, and this in turn will have to be factored into the "cost" of producing more goods, thus driving up prices.
It should be noted here that under a public monetary system, a given private enterprise may or may not be eligible to borrow money directly, not-at-interest, from the public sector. That would be a matter of public policy. However that is worked out, it is still a fact that the aggregate "interest" burden borne by the participants in the micro-economy would be reduced by whatever payments would have been required to maintain a money supply borrowed from a private banking system in circulation.
In any case, the vicious spiral I have described here has been the very engine of "inflation" in our economy for almost a century. The expectation that prices will continue to rise is, in itself, a factor that insures that "inflation" will continue to roll. This becomes manifest in price structures, wage labor contracts, budgetary expectations and other hedges in the behaviors of participants in the micro-economy as they try to hold their own against what they anticipate as an inflationary tide.
This can go on only so long before confidence in the monetary scheme collapses, and indeed in the current financial crisis the tide is beginning to turn as we enter a deflationary period. This "deflation," is not an orderly reversing of the inflationary process, but rather a traumatic popping of the inflationary bubble. If the present "debt"-based system can be stabilized for another round of "economic growth" (by no means a sure prospect at this juncture), then the "inflation" dragon will rise again.
Originally the Federal Reserve System was proposed to the public as a means of creating a stable circulating currency of constant buying power. What has the ninety-six years of its existence shown? In 1913, the value of the dollar was approximately the same as it had been a century earlier. Immediately after the establishment of the Fed, prices began to inflate on a more-or-less continuous basis until the dollar today is worth only about 1/20 of its original value. This is because the monetary scheme implemented by the Fed is based on issuing money through loans to which a compounding "interest" charge is attached, and these compounding charges for the use of money must be covered as a cost of doing business; ergo "inflation."
In my view, though we as a nation did not adequately realize it at the time, the mode by which money would be created and issued under the Fed made this outcome a virtually forgone conclusion.
Richard Kotlarz
1904 1st Ave. S, #12
Minneapolis, MN 55403
218-828-1366
richkotlarz@gmail.com
The complete set of columns from this series is posted at the following websites.
http://economictree.blogspot.com/
http://www.concordresolution.org/column.htm
The root cause of inflation within the present system is the "interest" charge attached to the private bank loans by which our money supply is created and loaned into circulation. It is really, I suggest, about as simple as that. To be sure, there are secondary factors that exacerbate inflationary tendencies, but these are mainly psychological, and derive from the inexorable effects of charging "interest" on money at the point of issuance. This may seem strange to the modern ear, given the profusion of arcane economic analysis in the media and academia that portrays "inflation" as if it were some insoluble economic phenomenon that we can only hope to keep under control through sound "business" management.
The truth is, in my view, that "inflation" is not some phantasmal monetary lion roaming about seeking what economic chaos it can cause and whosever's wealth it may devour, but rather the straightforward result of something that We the People permit to be done with our money; that is, we permit it to be created and loaned into circulation from a private corporate entity (the Federal Reserve and private banking system) at "interest." When we stop that practice, the fuel will be withdrawn from the "inflationary" fire.
It is true that "inflation" would still be possible under the auspices of a public monetary system if too much money were issued, but that would be an unlikely outcome within a system that was transparently amenable to control. As it is now, "inflation" has plagued this society, and indeed most of the world, as a mysterious specter for the almost-century since "debt-money" was firmly established as the basis of the monetary system, and hardly anyone with significant influence or control within the system seems to know what to do about it.
To understand the root cause of "inflation" we need only look at how a typical bank loan plays out over time. Suppose that an entrepreneur were to borrow money from a bank to build a small factory. The banker would create the money when he writes the check, and the entrepreneur would spend it into circulation when he paid whatever contractors were hired to build his factory.
Let us suppose further that the term of that loan was ten years. That means that over ten years time, the manufacturing firm that was set up in that factory would have to charge enough for its products to earn back the money to satisfy the contract which spelled out the terms by which the loan would be repaid.
If, hypothetically, there were no "interest" charges on the loan, then the amount to be repaid would be only the original principle balance. Under current practices, however, there would be an "interest" charge which would, typically, more-or-less double the amount of money required to be "paid back" over ten years. It is obvious that this doubled "cost" would have to be covered in higher prices charged by the factory for whatever goods it produced. What is more, this increased "cost" is in no way associated with an enhanced material input into the product. Clearly, then, the price of the product will be "inflated" by the "interest" charge.
But the matter does not end there. The money paid to cover the "interest" goes to financial speculators who have purchased "debt"-based financial instruments (loan contracts, bundled mortgages, bonds, etc.) for the very purpose of receiving those remittances. Assuming that they are not going to spend that money themselves, or gift it back to society through philanthropic efforts, they will effectively withhold those funds from circulation until someone borrows them back into circulation. When that happens we say in the current financial culture that these funds were "reinvested," but the overall burden of "debt" borne by the money supply will have been increased without, even, the injection of newly-created money to help bear it. New money will eventually have to borrowed into existence from private banks to help roll over the growing "interest" charge, and this in turn will have to be factored into the "cost" of producing more goods, thus driving up prices.
It should be noted here that under a public monetary system, a given private enterprise may or may not be eligible to borrow money directly, not-at-interest, from the public sector. That would be a matter of public policy. However that is worked out, it is still a fact that the aggregate "interest" burden borne by the participants in the micro-economy would be reduced by whatever payments would have been required to maintain a money supply borrowed from a private banking system in circulation.
In any case, the vicious spiral I have described here has been the very engine of "inflation" in our economy for almost a century. The expectation that prices will continue to rise is, in itself, a factor that insures that "inflation" will continue to roll. This becomes manifest in price structures, wage labor contracts, budgetary expectations and other hedges in the behaviors of participants in the micro-economy as they try to hold their own against what they anticipate as an inflationary tide.
This can go on only so long before confidence in the monetary scheme collapses, and indeed in the current financial crisis the tide is beginning to turn as we enter a deflationary period. This "deflation," is not an orderly reversing of the inflationary process, but rather a traumatic popping of the inflationary bubble. If the present "debt"-based system can be stabilized for another round of "economic growth" (by no means a sure prospect at this juncture), then the "inflation" dragon will rise again.
Originally the Federal Reserve System was proposed to the public as a means of creating a stable circulating currency of constant buying power. What has the ninety-six years of its existence shown? In 1913, the value of the dollar was approximately the same as it had been a century earlier. Immediately after the establishment of the Fed, prices began to inflate on a more-or-less continuous basis until the dollar today is worth only about 1/20 of its original value. This is because the monetary scheme implemented by the Fed is based on issuing money through loans to which a compounding "interest" charge is attached, and these compounding charges for the use of money must be covered as a cost of doing business; ergo "inflation."
In my view, though we as a nation did not adequately realize it at the time, the mode by which money would be created and issued under the Fed made this outcome a virtually forgone conclusion.
Richard Kotlarz
1904 1st Ave. S, #12
Minneapolis, MN 55403
218-828-1366
richkotlarz@gmail.com
The complete set of columns from this series is posted at the following websites.
http://economictree.blogspot.com/
http://www.concordresolution.org/column.htm
Thursday, January 8, 2009
Column #104 WHY PUBLIC MONEY IS NOT INFLATIONARY
(Week 22 - Wednesday, Jan. 7 / 2009)
Perhaps the most common question I hear when the idea of direct public funding (as opposed to the issuance of money via private bank loans) comes up is, "What is to prevent all this currency being issued out of the US Treasury from flooding the economy with too much money and causing inflation?"
Public funding, assuming it is done with a minimal level of integrity, is by nature not inflationary. Indeed, it is the practical answer to inflation. It is amenable to being issued in a manner that is direct and proportionate to the actual economic activity monetized.
As with almost any other mode of disbursement, public money is, presumably, not passed out willy-nilly. It is, rather, issued as part of a transparent and orderly monetization process that is coupled with the production of real wealth (e.g. public infrastructure), or the provision of tangible human benefits (e.g. health care). Another way of saying this is that money is emitted as a complement to genuine human enterprise, which is indeed its "backing."
This process could still be abused, of course, but it is hard to imagine it ever becoming as disconnected from economic accountability as with the hundreds of billions of dollars that are being passed out currently to purchase "troubled assets" (e.g. the "securities" attached to already failed ventures) in the present financial crisis. This out-of-control issuance is caused by the supposed need to "keep the banking system from collapsing," which is another way of saying the need to make the "interest" payments on old loans required to maintain money in circulation. The resultant "need" to constantly expand the pool of circulating medium with ever more sums of borrowed money would not exist within a public system, and that, in turn, would remove the essential fuel from the "inflationary" fire.
Much has been made of the supposed tendency for uncontrolled spending by politicians when they get their hands on the public purse strings. Well, for better or worse, they have "their hands on the public purse strings" now.
Furthermore, even if we were to assume the worst concerning the character of our elected representatives, would it be better if they were spending money that had a compounding "interest" charge payable to private interests attached, or funds emitted essentially at no cost directly out of the Treasury?
I seem to recall scandalous reports in the news some years ago about how the space agency NASA had paid $900 dollars for a hammer, and other such outrages. I would ask, would it be better if that hammer were purchased with money issued directly out of the US Treasury, or with funds borrowed at "interest" from the Fed? If it were paid for with money borrowed at "interest" out of the Fed, the $900 dollar price tag would be only the beginning of the cost. The "interest" charge would be added to the Federal "debt," and more money would have to be borrowed by the government to make up for that charge, which would, in turn, cause over time a further compounding of the "debt." In practice, the "cost" of the hammer would always be with us and never cease to mount.
If, on the other hand, the hammer were paid for with money issued out of the Treasury, the "cost" would be $900, and no more. The unjustifiably high price (if indeed it is that) is not a function of the monetary system. It is the result of poor bureaucratic management and lax political control. However inflated the price of an item might be, nothing is gained, and indeed much is lost by purchasing it with money borrowed at "interest."
The problem with the current private system is that it has virtually no transparency. Indeed, the bank-money financial system is a knot of complexity that even the experts cannot seem to effectively penetrate. Instead the public is subjected to endless political promises, partisan ideologies and economic bromides within an intellectual atmosphere that is basically confused. If the public cannot understand how money is being created, issued and controlled, how then can there be accountability? The direct public issuance of money would cut through the lack of transparency, control and accountability, which, in the end, is the key to controlling "inflation."
In the next column I will describe more specifically the root mechanism that currently drives "inflation."
Richard Kotlarz
1904 1st Ave. S, #12
Minneapolis, MN 55403
218-828-1366
richkotlarz@gmail.com
The complete set of columns from this series is posted at the following websites.
http://economictree.blogspot.com/
http://www.concordresolution.org/column.htm
Perhaps the most common question I hear when the idea of direct public funding (as opposed to the issuance of money via private bank loans) comes up is, "What is to prevent all this currency being issued out of the US Treasury from flooding the economy with too much money and causing inflation?"
Public funding, assuming it is done with a minimal level of integrity, is by nature not inflationary. Indeed, it is the practical answer to inflation. It is amenable to being issued in a manner that is direct and proportionate to the actual economic activity monetized.
As with almost any other mode of disbursement, public money is, presumably, not passed out willy-nilly. It is, rather, issued as part of a transparent and orderly monetization process that is coupled with the production of real wealth (e.g. public infrastructure), or the provision of tangible human benefits (e.g. health care). Another way of saying this is that money is emitted as a complement to genuine human enterprise, which is indeed its "backing."
This process could still be abused, of course, but it is hard to imagine it ever becoming as disconnected from economic accountability as with the hundreds of billions of dollars that are being passed out currently to purchase "troubled assets" (e.g. the "securities" attached to already failed ventures) in the present financial crisis. This out-of-control issuance is caused by the supposed need to "keep the banking system from collapsing," which is another way of saying the need to make the "interest" payments on old loans required to maintain money in circulation. The resultant "need" to constantly expand the pool of circulating medium with ever more sums of borrowed money would not exist within a public system, and that, in turn, would remove the essential fuel from the "inflationary" fire.
Much has been made of the supposed tendency for uncontrolled spending by politicians when they get their hands on the public purse strings. Well, for better or worse, they have "their hands on the public purse strings" now.
Furthermore, even if we were to assume the worst concerning the character of our elected representatives, would it be better if they were spending money that had a compounding "interest" charge payable to private interests attached, or funds emitted essentially at no cost directly out of the Treasury?
I seem to recall scandalous reports in the news some years ago about how the space agency NASA had paid $900 dollars for a hammer, and other such outrages. I would ask, would it be better if that hammer were purchased with money issued directly out of the US Treasury, or with funds borrowed at "interest" from the Fed? If it were paid for with money borrowed at "interest" out of the Fed, the $900 dollar price tag would be only the beginning of the cost. The "interest" charge would be added to the Federal "debt," and more money would have to be borrowed by the government to make up for that charge, which would, in turn, cause over time a further compounding of the "debt." In practice, the "cost" of the hammer would always be with us and never cease to mount.
If, on the other hand, the hammer were paid for with money issued out of the Treasury, the "cost" would be $900, and no more. The unjustifiably high price (if indeed it is that) is not a function of the monetary system. It is the result of poor bureaucratic management and lax political control. However inflated the price of an item might be, nothing is gained, and indeed much is lost by purchasing it with money borrowed at "interest."
The problem with the current private system is that it has virtually no transparency. Indeed, the bank-money financial system is a knot of complexity that even the experts cannot seem to effectively penetrate. Instead the public is subjected to endless political promises, partisan ideologies and economic bromides within an intellectual atmosphere that is basically confused. If the public cannot understand how money is being created, issued and controlled, how then can there be accountability? The direct public issuance of money would cut through the lack of transparency, control and accountability, which, in the end, is the key to controlling "inflation."
In the next column I will describe more specifically the root mechanism that currently drives "inflation."
Richard Kotlarz
1904 1st Ave. S, #12
Minneapolis, MN 55403
218-828-1366
richkotlarz@gmail.com
The complete set of columns from this series is posted at the following websites.
http://economictree.blogspot.com/
http://www.concordresolution.org/column.htm
Tuesday, January 6, 2009
Column #103 FURTHER THOUGHTS ON THE "COST" OF HEALTH CARE
(Week 22 - Monday, Jan. 5 / 2009)
In the last column I talked about how, from a national (macro-economic) perspective, universal health care could be readily monetized ("paid for") to any extent deemed desirable within the limits of material and human resources available to provide it, by the issuance of money directly out of the US Treasury. The very notion that there is a national health care crisis because of a shortage of money is contrary to any real economic logic. That this idea even exists, and has moreover gained an iron grip over our culture's economic mindset, is largely attributable to the fact that our thoughts have been so taken over by the notion that our money supply must be borrowed into existence at "interest" from a private banking system that we have lost the ability to think in any other terms.
Let me state this emphatically so there can be no confusion. THE VERY IDEA THAT THE NATION IS LIMITED IN PROVIDING HEALTH CARE TO ALL ITS CITIZENS DUE TO A LACK OF MONEY IS AN ABSURDITY. This country possesses the macro-economic ability to issue its own money and thereby provide the circulating media necessary to finance its own health care to whatever extent is deemed appropriate. The task that remains, then, is to issue such funds in a quantity and mode that is optimal to make them accessible in the micro-economy to the people who need health care and the people that can provide it. This is essentially a matter of good monetary management.
The real limit to health care, then, is the availability of the material and human resources to meet the need. Such resources do entail a material and human cost in their development, but from a macro-economic (national) perspective the work to develop and employ them is something to be monetized (money issued on the basis of such activity). It is never a monetary "cost." That we are suffering as a society over a supposed lack of funds to take care of people is tragic and unnecessary. We will not, I suggest, resolve the cost-of-heath-care crisis until we wake up to that.
All this said, a caveat is in order. The assurance that health care services can be offered readily to all members of the society without any serious monetary impediment has the potential to be an immense blessing, but also carries with it a danger. The conscious taking hold by our society of our monetary prerogative unleashes a power into human affairs that has not been fully present heretofore. That is, the very ability for society to "monetize at will," so to speak, anything it decides to do up to limits of its material and human capabilities means, among other things, that we could created a "medical monster" that would have a virtually limitless powers for good, or oppression. A medical establishment could be conjured that would assume vast control over people's body's and minds, and, in a manner of speaking, "put everyone on meds." Increasingly, misgivings are voiced concerning the supposed intrusiveness, abuses and inappropriate influence of the medical system we already have, even by professionals within the system.
That said, I think one would find it difficult to deny that the medical discipline has provided many benefits, including extraordinary life-saving services. Regardless of how corrupted one might think the medical system has become, it is hard to imagine any but the most fanatical detractor (or perhaps most extraordinary person) turning down critical intervention at their own point of crisis.
My purpose in bringing this up is not to join the debate over the vices or virtues of this or that medical regime, but to suggest that such matters ought to be decided on their actual merits, free of being influenced unduly by the imperative to grow the medical economy to service the "interest" payments on bank-issued money.
Within a society that fully recognized its own power to provide the funds for any type and degree of health services it so chose, whether directly (as in a government paid system), or indirectly (as in insuring through public policy that there is enough money in circulation to enable people to manage their own medical finances), the possibility of developing diverse health regimens that are taken on their true merits and available to everyone who could benefit from them would at last be realizable.
Richard Kotlarz
1904 1st Ave. S, #12
Minneapolis, MN 55403
218-828-1366
richkotlarz@gmail.com
The complete set of columns from this series is posted at the following websites.
http://economictree.blogspot.com/
http://www.concordresolution.org/column.htm
In the last column I talked about how, from a national (macro-economic) perspective, universal health care could be readily monetized ("paid for") to any extent deemed desirable within the limits of material and human resources available to provide it, by the issuance of money directly out of the US Treasury. The very notion that there is a national health care crisis because of a shortage of money is contrary to any real economic logic. That this idea even exists, and has moreover gained an iron grip over our culture's economic mindset, is largely attributable to the fact that our thoughts have been so taken over by the notion that our money supply must be borrowed into existence at "interest" from a private banking system that we have lost the ability to think in any other terms.
Let me state this emphatically so there can be no confusion. THE VERY IDEA THAT THE NATION IS LIMITED IN PROVIDING HEALTH CARE TO ALL ITS CITIZENS DUE TO A LACK OF MONEY IS AN ABSURDITY. This country possesses the macro-economic ability to issue its own money and thereby provide the circulating media necessary to finance its own health care to whatever extent is deemed appropriate. The task that remains, then, is to issue such funds in a quantity and mode that is optimal to make them accessible in the micro-economy to the people who need health care and the people that can provide it. This is essentially a matter of good monetary management.
The real limit to health care, then, is the availability of the material and human resources to meet the need. Such resources do entail a material and human cost in their development, but from a macro-economic (national) perspective the work to develop and employ them is something to be monetized (money issued on the basis of such activity). It is never a monetary "cost." That we are suffering as a society over a supposed lack of funds to take care of people is tragic and unnecessary. We will not, I suggest, resolve the cost-of-heath-care crisis until we wake up to that.
All this said, a caveat is in order. The assurance that health care services can be offered readily to all members of the society without any serious monetary impediment has the potential to be an immense blessing, but also carries with it a danger. The conscious taking hold by our society of our monetary prerogative unleashes a power into human affairs that has not been fully present heretofore. That is, the very ability for society to "monetize at will," so to speak, anything it decides to do up to limits of its material and human capabilities means, among other things, that we could created a "medical monster" that would have a virtually limitless powers for good, or oppression. A medical establishment could be conjured that would assume vast control over people's body's and minds, and, in a manner of speaking, "put everyone on meds." Increasingly, misgivings are voiced concerning the supposed intrusiveness, abuses and inappropriate influence of the medical system we already have, even by professionals within the system.
That said, I think one would find it difficult to deny that the medical discipline has provided many benefits, including extraordinary life-saving services. Regardless of how corrupted one might think the medical system has become, it is hard to imagine any but the most fanatical detractor (or perhaps most extraordinary person) turning down critical intervention at their own point of crisis.
My purpose in bringing this up is not to join the debate over the vices or virtues of this or that medical regime, but to suggest that such matters ought to be decided on their actual merits, free of being influenced unduly by the imperative to grow the medical economy to service the "interest" payments on bank-issued money.
Within a society that fully recognized its own power to provide the funds for any type and degree of health services it so chose, whether directly (as in a government paid system), or indirectly (as in insuring through public policy that there is enough money in circulation to enable people to manage their own medical finances), the possibility of developing diverse health regimens that are taken on their true merits and available to everyone who could benefit from them would at last be realizable.
Richard Kotlarz
1904 1st Ave. S, #12
Minneapolis, MN 55403
218-828-1366
richkotlarz@gmail.com
The complete set of columns from this series is posted at the following websites.
http://economictree.blogspot.com/
http://www.concordresolution.org/column.htm
Saturday, January 3, 2009
Column #102 THE "COST" OF HEALTH CARE: MICRO VS. MACRO
(Week 21 - Friday, Jan. 2 / 2009)
A debate has been raging for years as to how to make health care available to all the people of the nation, including the tens-of-millions of uninsured. Virtually everyone agrees that this is a need that should not go unmet for any human being, but finding a way to get it done seems to have eluded us. At one pole of the argument there are those who say that health care is an individual responsibility, the obtaining of medical services should be left up to personal initiative and the workings of the marketplace. Others assert that it is a human right that ought to be written into the Constitution.
Whatever view of a solution one might hold, it will invariably be centered around the question of how and by whom the spiraling "cost" of health care will be paid. Increasingly doubts are expressed as to whether health care for all is ultimately "affordable."
The existence of such doubts indicates a lack of awareness on the part of the citizenry that there is both a micro and macro-economic dimension of money, and of the respective characteristics and virtues of each.
From a micro-economic perspective, there is indeed a financial cost associated with health care because a source of revenue for employing medical resources must be found.
From a macro-economic perspective, however, there is not a financial cost associated with health care; only a question about much money to create and issue to assure that there is enough in circulation to pay for it.
Stated more succinctly, from a micro perspective health care must be paid for, but from the macro health care is monetized. The way this would ideally play out in practice is as that at the macro-economic level, the social order (through the Federal government) would look out over the society and discern what material resources are available to meet the health care needs of its members, and then formulate a picture as to how ideally they might be utilized. The Congress would then pass legislation that instructed the Treasury to issue money in sufficient quantity that this monetization picture could be realized in actuality.
The ability of our society to fully fund health care to whatever extent it decides is optimal within context of the material and human resources available is thus assured. The notion that the citizens of this country cannot "afford" medical services to the limit of the actual means available to provide them is economic nonsense.
In a micro-economic sense, health care carries with it a financial cost. In contrast, on a macro-economic level the activities associated with health care constitute the very basis or "backing" of the money required to fund them. Stated another way, on the micro level, medical care costs, but on the macro it pays for itself. The key, then, is to cover the micro costs from money issued at the macro level.
For example, to whoever is managing a hospital's budget, a doctor seeing a patient appears as a financial cost for which funds must be found. From the national perspective, however, that same doctor and patient coming together appears to the government, not as a "cost" to be paid for, but as economic activity for which money can be issued. Indeed, any bringing together of human need with the resources to meet it is the very basis for issuing money. It need only be done in an amount that is commensurate with the level of activity to be monetized.
In the light of this understanding, the way out of the nation's health care crisis is this: The Congress would authorize the issuance of money on the macro-economic level according to its Constitutional power to "…coin Money (and) regulate the Value thereof" in such quantity that the extent of enterprise that would naturally emerge in the health-care field if money were not a limiting concern could go forward. This could be accomplished in either of two ways.
One is that medical services could be paid for directly by the Federal government out of funds created for that purpose. This would resemble in appearance the mode of funding commonly referred to as "single payer," as often advocated by the liberal perspective in current political discourse.
The other is that an adequacy of funds to pay for health care could be assured indirectly through the Treasury maintaining sufficient money in circulation to finance whatever level of commerce would naturally occur in the economy, health care included. This would put a larger responsibility on people to manage their own medical-related finances, as is favored by the more conservative side of the political spectrum.
In reality elements of both approaches would almost certainly be employed. Regardless of the details of how that might be worked out, the important thing to know is that the availability of enough circulating medium to fully finance heath care at whatever level was deemed by our society to be optimally desirable and materially doable would be assured.
Richard Kotlarz
1904 1st Ave. S, #12
Minneapolis, MN 55403
218-828-1366
richkotlarz@gmail.com
The complete set of columns from this series is posted at the following websites.
http://economictree.blogspot.com/
http://www.concordresolution.org/column.htm
A debate has been raging for years as to how to make health care available to all the people of the nation, including the tens-of-millions of uninsured. Virtually everyone agrees that this is a need that should not go unmet for any human being, but finding a way to get it done seems to have eluded us. At one pole of the argument there are those who say that health care is an individual responsibility, the obtaining of medical services should be left up to personal initiative and the workings of the marketplace. Others assert that it is a human right that ought to be written into the Constitution.
Whatever view of a solution one might hold, it will invariably be centered around the question of how and by whom the spiraling "cost" of health care will be paid. Increasingly doubts are expressed as to whether health care for all is ultimately "affordable."
The existence of such doubts indicates a lack of awareness on the part of the citizenry that there is both a micro and macro-economic dimension of money, and of the respective characteristics and virtues of each.
From a micro-economic perspective, there is indeed a financial cost associated with health care because a source of revenue for employing medical resources must be found.
From a macro-economic perspective, however, there is not a financial cost associated with health care; only a question about much money to create and issue to assure that there is enough in circulation to pay for it.
Stated more succinctly, from a micro perspective health care must be paid for, but from the macro health care is monetized. The way this would ideally play out in practice is as that at the macro-economic level, the social order (through the Federal government) would look out over the society and discern what material resources are available to meet the health care needs of its members, and then formulate a picture as to how ideally they might be utilized. The Congress would then pass legislation that instructed the Treasury to issue money in sufficient quantity that this monetization picture could be realized in actuality.
The ability of our society to fully fund health care to whatever extent it decides is optimal within context of the material and human resources available is thus assured. The notion that the citizens of this country cannot "afford" medical services to the limit of the actual means available to provide them is economic nonsense.
In a micro-economic sense, health care carries with it a financial cost. In contrast, on a macro-economic level the activities associated with health care constitute the very basis or "backing" of the money required to fund them. Stated another way, on the micro level, medical care costs, but on the macro it pays for itself. The key, then, is to cover the micro costs from money issued at the macro level.
For example, to whoever is managing a hospital's budget, a doctor seeing a patient appears as a financial cost for which funds must be found. From the national perspective, however, that same doctor and patient coming together appears to the government, not as a "cost" to be paid for, but as economic activity for which money can be issued. Indeed, any bringing together of human need with the resources to meet it is the very basis for issuing money. It need only be done in an amount that is commensurate with the level of activity to be monetized.
In the light of this understanding, the way out of the nation's health care crisis is this: The Congress would authorize the issuance of money on the macro-economic level according to its Constitutional power to "…coin Money (and) regulate the Value thereof" in such quantity that the extent of enterprise that would naturally emerge in the health-care field if money were not a limiting concern could go forward. This could be accomplished in either of two ways.
One is that medical services could be paid for directly by the Federal government out of funds created for that purpose. This would resemble in appearance the mode of funding commonly referred to as "single payer," as often advocated by the liberal perspective in current political discourse.
The other is that an adequacy of funds to pay for health care could be assured indirectly through the Treasury maintaining sufficient money in circulation to finance whatever level of commerce would naturally occur in the economy, health care included. This would put a larger responsibility on people to manage their own medical-related finances, as is favored by the more conservative side of the political spectrum.
In reality elements of both approaches would almost certainly be employed. Regardless of the details of how that might be worked out, the important thing to know is that the availability of enough circulating medium to fully finance heath care at whatever level was deemed by our society to be optimally desirable and materially doable would be assured.
Richard Kotlarz
1904 1st Ave. S, #12
Minneapolis, MN 55403
218-828-1366
richkotlarz@gmail.com
The complete set of columns from this series is posted at the following websites.
http://economictree.blogspot.com/
http://www.concordresolution.org/column.htm
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